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Sciences 
Corporation 


33  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


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derniAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'imprescion  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
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premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  derniAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

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derniAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  — »•  signifis  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbole  V  signifie  "FIN". 

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Lorsque  In  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
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de  I'angle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  d  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


1 

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3 

1 

2 

3 

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6 

'If' 


SPEECH 

OP 

MR.  WILLIAM  W.  CAMPBELL, 

OF   NEW  YORK, 

ON  THE  OREGON  QUESTION, 

Delivered  in  the  House  of  RepresentiUives,  U.  S.,  January  27, 1846. 

The  House  having  resolved  itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  Whole  upon  the 
state  of  the  Union,  and  the  following  resolution,  reported  from  the  Com- 
mittee on  Foreign  Affairs,  being  under  consideration,  to  wit : 

"  Rtsolved  by  the  Henatc  and  Hotise  of  RrpresttUutives  of  the  United  SttUes  of  America  i?i  Congress 
assembled.  That  tiie  President  of  the  Uiiilfd  States  forthwith  cause  notice  to  )«;  ,'jivcn  to  the 
Government  of  Great  Britain,  tlwl  the  convention  between  the  United  States  luid  Great  Britain, 
concerning  llie  territory  of  Oregon,  of  tiie  Gth  of  August,  1827,  signed  at  London,  shall  ht  an- 
nulled una  abrogated,  twelve  montliM  after  the  expiriition  of  the  said  term  of  notice,  conformably 
to  the  second  article  of  the  said  convention  of  tiie  6th  of  August,  1827." 

Mr.  Inoersoll  proposes  to  amend  l)y  erasing  all  after  the  word  "  shall," 
and  insert  the  following  : 

"Shall  be  annulled  and  alirosfated  at  the  expiration  of  the  term  of  twelve  months  from  and 
aAcr  said  notice  shall  be  given,  confurinal>ly  to  the  2d  article  of  tue  said  convention  of  the  tith  of 
August,  1827." 

Mr.  W.  W.  CAMPBELL,  of  New  York,  obtained  the  floor  and  said- 
Mr.  Chairman:  I  approach  the  discussion  of  this  subject  widi  diffidence 
and  under  a  deep  sense  of  responsibility;  with  diffidence,  because  I  have  no 
experience  as  a  parliamentary  debater;  under  a  sense  of  responsitiility,  be- 
cause I  represent  on  this  Hoor  probably  the  largest  district  in  the  Union — a 
district,  numbering  over  one  htmdred  and  twenty  thousand  inhabitants — a 
district,  rich  in  this  world's  goods,  rich  in  intellectual  wealth,  and  engaged 
in  a  commerce  which  is  literally  vexing  ev(  v  n.a  with  its  keels,  and  whit- 
ening every  ocean  with  its  canvass.  I  have  saio  it  is  a  district  rich  in  this 
world's  goods.  Among  my  immetliate  constitue  'ts  is  that  distinguished 
man  who,  more  than  half  a  century  ago,  can>c  a  poor  and  friendless  boy  to 
seek  a  home  in  this  western  world;  who,  b\'^  great  energy  and  industry,  at- 
tended with  almost  unparuh  led  success,  has  placed  himself,  as  far  as  wealth 
is  concerned,  among  the  princes  of  the  earth;  the  man  who  planted  the  first 
American  settlement  upon  the  banks  of  the  Cohnnbia — 1  mean  John  Jacob 
Astor.  I  have  said  the  district  is  rich  in  intellectual  wealth.  Amorg  'le 
numerous  men  of  distinction,  of  learning,  of  fame,  is  that  other  celebrated 
man  who,  more  than  half  a  century  ago,  came  to  make  his  abode  with  us, 
and  who,  under  our  fostering  laws  and  free  institutions,  rose  to  great  emi- 
nence as  a  legislator  and  statesman,  who  has  filled  many  posts  of  honor  and 
trust  with  great  credit  to  himself  and  to  the  land  of  his  adoption,  and  whose 
name  is  intimately  connet'ted  with  the  early  negotiations  relative  to  the  Ore- 
gon territory — 1  mean  Albert  GiiUatin.  Both  these  venerable  men  are  now 
far  down  the  vale  of  life;  their  heads  are  whitened  with  the  frosts  of  inore 
than  eighty  winters;  and  they  have  retired  from  the  strifes  and  turmoils  of 
active  life;  but  they  are  looking  with  interest  upon  the  scenes  now  enacting^ 
at  this  Capitol  by  the  councils  of  the  nation. 

J.  ai  e.  B.  Uideoii,  printen.  i   •     t        '  : 


-4  »  » 


2 

The  district,  as  well  as  the  whole  of  the  city  of  New  York,  is  extensively 
engaged  in  foreign  commerce.  We  have  heard  it  slated,  that  if  war  comtis 
that  comitiercfc  would  be  destroyed,  and  that  noble  city, the  coniniercial  em- 
porium of  the  continent,  would  be  besieged  by  hostile  fleets;  its  harbors  and 
rivers  filled  with  the  vessels  of  the  enemy ;  that  its  noble  wurehouscs  would 
be  sacked;  its  splendid  public  edifices  and  the  palaces  of  its  merchant  j)rin- 
ces, would  be  given  to  the  Uames;  it?  marts  of  trade  and  its  pleasant  places, 
would  be  laid  wasle.  It  may  be  so.  But  when  the  time  shidi  come — anJ 
may  that  time  be  far  remote — when  we  shall  be  involved  in  a  war,  I  can  as- 
sure the  gentlemen  that  the  cily  and  the  Slate  of  Mew  York  will  do  their 
duty  to  the  country.  1  know  it  is  the  habit  to  speak  lightly  of  conmiercial 
interests  and  commercial  men  when  questions  of  war  agitate  the  country.  It 
is  said  they  are  apt  rather  to  take  counsel  of  their  fears — apprehensive,  not  so 
much  that  liie  honor  of  the  country  Uiay  guller,as  that  their  own  pecuniary 
iui-cresls  may  be  endaiigced.  Do  those  who  make  this  charge  consider 
from  what  source  the  revenues  of  the  country,  the  sinews  of  war,  are  derived? 
Do  they  consider,  also,  that  commerce  sufl'ors,  not  only  from  war,  but  from 
rumors  of  war?  That,  like  the  sensitive  j)hmt,  which  shrinks  from  the  rude 
wind,  commerce  withers  and  dies  under  the  blasting  inlliience  of  war,  and 
trembles  as  it  hears  the  roar  of  the  tempest  in  the  distance  ?  It  is  natural 
that  it  should  be  so.  It  is  the  first  interest  generally  which  sulFers.  A  nmr- 
itime  war  might  sweep  our  vessels  from  the  ocean,  might  lay  waste  our  com- 
mercial cities,  and  yet  the  business  of  the  husbandman  would  go  on— his 
home  and  his  land  would  icmain  to  him.  It  is  therefore  to  be  sujjposed 
that  connuercial  men  will  be  sensitive  when  subjertsare  agitated  which  may 
lead  to  a  war  with  the  most  powerful  nation  of  the  world.  I  repeat,  sir, 
that  if  war  should  come,  the  city  of  ISew  "^'ork  would  be  as  ready  as  any 
portion  of  the  Union  to  contribute  the  means  to  sustain  it  and  to  carry  it  for- 
ward to  a  successful  issue;  but  she  nuist  be  convinced  that  it  is  a  necessary 
war,  and  that  it  was  resorted  to  only  after  all  eflbrts  for  an  honorable  com- 
promise of  the  difiiculties  were  exhausted. 

At  a  suitable  time  I  intend  to  oiler  a  series  of  resolutions  expressive  of  my 
views  on  the  subject,  for  die  consideration  of  the  House,  lecitinglhat,  in  the 
judgment  of  Congress,  the  liuie  has  arrived  when  the  interest  of  the  people 
whom  they  represent  requires  Uiat  the  convention  for  the  joint  occupancy, 
with  England,  of  the  Oregon  territory  shall  cease;  that  Congress  is  desirous 
of  terminating  that  convention  amicably,  and  without  disturbing  the  peace 
of  nations;  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  authorized  to  give  the 
requisite  notice,  and  at  the  same  time  it  be  reconnnended  to  him  to  renew 
negotiations;  and  to  accept  the  proposition  of  the  forty-ninth  parallel  of  lati- 
tude as  a  basii  of  settlement,  if  it  be  tendered  to  him.  In  my  judgment  the 
time  has  come  when  this  long  and  vexed  question  ought  to  be  settled,  and 
that  tiie  moat  certain  and  speedy  settlement  will  be  attained  by  giving  the 
notice,  qualified  if  possible,  but  at  all  events  in  some  form. 

The  public  mind  has  been,  and  is  now,  greatly  agitated  by  the  Oregon 
question,  and  will  continue  so  to  be,  and  to  a  greater  extent,  if  it  should 
longer  remain  unsettled.  It  cannot  escape  the  attention  of  ihe  most  casual 
observer  that  many  causes  exist  for  continuing  and  increasing  this  agitation, 
if  the  notice  should  not  be  given .  Look  at  the  Texan  question  and  its  com- 
bination with  party  movements.  Objectionable  as  it  was  in  some  of  its  fea- 
tures to  a  large  proportion  of  the  people,  especially  at  the  north — aye,  a  large 


xtcnsively 
ivar  cornea 
lerciul  em- 
nrbors  and 
tses  would 
liant,  piin- 
11) t  places, 
oine — atu' 
,  I  can  as- 
II  do  their 
)iijm<Mcial 
Duntry.  It 
ivc ,  not  so 
pecuniary 
e  consider 
e  derived? 
,  but  from 
II  the  rude 
"  »var,  and 
is  natural 
A  mar- 
3  our  coin- 
^o  on — his 
I  supposed 
I'hich  may 
epeat,  sir, 
ly  as  any 
xrry  it  for- 
necessary 
able  com- 

ive  of  my 
at,  in  the 
ic  people 
cupaucy, 

desirous 
the  peace 

give  the 
to  renew 
el  of  luti- 
;n)ent  the 
lied ,  and 
ving  the 

e  Oregon 
it  should 
>st  casual 
igitation, 
its  com- 
d(  its  fca- 
i,  a  large 


p'oportion  of  those ,  too ,  who  sustained  it — yet  the  plilical  prize  was  toa 
valuable  to  be  rejected;  the  acquisition  of  so  large  and  fertile  a  country  was 
too  important.  The  Texan  banner  was  unfurled  during  the  late  political 
canvass,  and  it  was  borne  on  in  triumph.  Let  this  House  refuse  to  give  the 
notice — letUic  Oregon  banner  be  unfurled — let  the  fiat  go  forth — the  watch- 
words be  emblazoned  upon  that  banner,  "the  whole  of  Oregon,  or  fione,^* 
and  then  the  result  in  my  opinion  can  be  easily  foreseen.  With  the  strong^ 
argument  in  favor  of  our  title  to  the  whole,  with  the  prospect  of  adding  a 
free  and  extensive  territory,  important  for  our  future  commerce,  no  power 
could  resist  the  onward  march.  Under  that  banner  a  great  political  victory 
would  certainly  be  won;  and  then  England  must  abandon  her  claim,  must 
yield  the  whole  of  the  territory,  or  we  must  fight.  If  gentlemen  suppose 
that  by  delay  in  giving  the  notice  wc  shall  obtain  the  whole  of  Oregon  with- 
out a  contest,  I  think  they  are  certainly  mistaken.  They  can  get  it,  if  the 
present  time  for  action  is  neglected ,  only  by  a  successful  termination  of  a 
contest — successful  either  in  the  negotiation  of  terms  of  peace,  or  by  driving 
England  by  force  from  her  occupation  of  the  coimtry.  If  we  could  roll  back 
the  tide  of  events,  if  we  could  blot  out  all  that  has  transpired  in  Uie  last  few 
years  rel.ilive  to  both  Texas  and  Oregon,  then  indeed  delay  in  giving  a  no- 
tice might  be  wisdom  and  prudence.  If  we  could  wave  a  magic  wand  over 
the  land,  and  at  once  hush  to  silence  and  repose  all  the  elements  of  party 
strife,  and  remove  all  the  temptations  of  successful  party  triumph,  and  if 
England  would  remain  quiet, and  allow  large  bodies  of  American  emigrants 
to  move  noiselessly  forward  to  the  setdeujent  of  the  whole  country,  then  in- 
deed delay  would  inevitably  bring  with  it  the  wished  for  result.  But  this 
cannot  be,  and  we  nuist  act  upon  Uie  existing  slate  of  things.  We  should 
give  this  notice,  because  the  title  of  England  has  been  strengUiened  radier 
than  weakened  by  past  deljiy.  For  nearly  thirty  years  we  have  been  nego- 
tiating with  her.  Twenty-four  years  ago  she  passed  a  general  law  establish- 
ing courts,  exercising  a  civil  and  criminal  jurisdiction,  not  only  over  the 
whole  of  the  teriilory,  but  also  over  all  the  inhabitants,  whether  subjects  of 
Great  Britain  or  citizens  of  the  United  Slates.  When  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company,  in  1S38.  asked  for  a  renewal  of  Uieir  charter,  they  alleged  that 
they  were  settling  the  country  for  England.  Suppose,  now,  we  submit  this 
question  to  arbitration.  England  inight  well  say  that  she  had  for  nearly  a 
quarter  of  a  century  exercised  exclusive  civil  and  criminal  jurisdiction  over 
the  whole  country  and  over  all  the  inhabitants;  that  the  act  passed  by  Par- 
liament was  a  public  one,  knowit  to  all;  that  it  was  also  known  that  the 
Hudson's  Hay  Company  was  settling  the  country,  and  yet  the  United  States 
had  acq 'iesced  in  all  these  movements;  she  had  neither  given  the  notice  to 
terminate  the  convention,  nor  had  she  remonstrated  against  the  exercise  of 
jurisdiction  over  the  American  citizens  who  had  settled  in  Oregon;  and  i% 
might  be  argued  before  k  commission  or  arbitration  that  such  an  acquiescence 
for  so  long  a  time  should  be  taken  as  an  admission  of  the  superior  title  of 
England  to  a  greater  part  if  not  to  the  whole  of  the  territory. 

Again;  there  is  another  reason  for  giving  this  notice  now,  which  is  based 
on  the  character  of  the  reccht  news  from  England.  The  sro?ifli  uuin  from 
Virginia  who  preceded  me,  (Mr.  Baylv,)  said  we  thoulu  delay  and  give 
time  for  setlioiueiit,  that  we  miglil  "agree  with  our  adversary."  Now,  I 
would  add,  "•  gree  with  thine  adversary  quic/dt/,  while  thou  art  in  the  way 
with  him."     i  have  read  carefully  ilie  articles  which  have  recently  appear- 


cd  in  the  English  papers  on  ihis  subject,  nnd  they  show  to  my  mind  con- 
dusively  that  great  eflbrls  are  making  to  prepare  the  pnbhc  mind  there  for 
a  compromise  according  to  the  terma  wliich  our  Government  recently  offer- 
ed. The  Times,  which  is  the  most  iniluential  journal  in  England,  and 
which  is  considered  the  organ  of  Lord  Aberdeen,  the  Secretary  for  Foreign 
Affairs,  has  been  employed  with  its  usual  ability  in  gradually  removing  the 
prejudices  from  the  English  mind  against  the  establishment  of  the  49th  par- 
allel lis  a  boimdary.  The  London  Morning  Chronicle,  said  to  be  the  organ 
of  Lord  Palmerston,  is  al?o  moderate  in  its  tone,  and  engaged  in  the  good 
work  of  promoting  a  right  feeling  on  the  question .  So  are  many  of  the  pro- 
vincial papers.  Therefore  I  would  say,  in  view  of  the  manifest  interest  of 
both  nations,  that  now  is  the  time  to  press  the  settlement;  and  if  the  notice 
shall  be  given,  with  a  recommendation  for  a  compromise,  it  can  hardly  be 
doubted  that  a  salit^factory  disposition  of  the  whole  matter  will  be  made. 
The  interest  and  wisshes  of  both  nations  will  be  promoted.  Though  we  are 
two  nations,  we  are  of  the  same  family,  speaking  the  same  language,  and 
partaking  in  a  considerable  degree  of  the  same  destiny,  as  far  as  it  is  our 
destiny  to  civilize  and  christianize  the  world".  F^ngland  antl  An)erira  at  this 
time  arc  doing  more  to  advance  the  great  causes  of  civilization  and  Christi- 
anity than  all  other  nations  togelher.  Let  us  agree  with  herquickly,  while 
we  are  in  the  way  with  her — give  and  receive  fair  terms  of  compromise. 
This  we  can  do,  and  England  can  do,  without  dishonor  or  the  abandon- 
ment of  prinrjpl:;.  When  a  nation  is  conscious  of  its  power,  it  can  always 
afford  to  act  in  a  spirit  of  magnanimity.  Thus  can  England  do,  and  thus 
can  we  do. 

It  has  been  argued  that  our  ac(iuisilion  of  the  Spanish  title  did  not  strength- 
en our  claim  to  Oregon.  It  seems  to  me  that  no  lawyer  or  historian ,  in  the 
exercise  of  an  independent  judgment,  could  come  to  snch  a  conclusion.  I 
revert  to  the  Spanish  tilie  with  feelings  of  deep  interest.  It  is  connected 
with  the  wild  and  romantic  scenes  of  ihe  early  discovery  of  this  continent. 
When  old  Juan  Ponce  de  Ijcon  was  governor  of  Porto  Rico,  and  musing 
over  the  hot  contests  in  which  he  had  been  engaged  upon  the  plains  of  Gre- 
nada, and  amid  the  rugged  passes  of  the  Spanisii  highlands — while  he  was 
listening  to  the  Indian  tales  of  that  spring  of  magic  waters  far  away  to  the 
north  and  west,  in  which  he  might  bathe  his  scarred  and  battered  limbs,  and 
come  forth  restored  to  all  the  freshness  and  elasticity  of  youth — while  he  was 
coasting  along  the  shores  of  Florida,  adding  by  riglu  of  discovery  that  land 
of  flowers  as  another  jewel  io  the  Spanish  crown,  receiving  however  a  wound 
from  the  poisoned  arrow  of  an  Indian,  which  caused  his  death  instead  of 
finding  there  the  waters  of  life;  while  these  things  were  transpiring,  other 
Spanish  adventurers  were  crossing  the  continent,  discovering  new  lands,  and 
looking  out  for  the  first  time  upon  the  waters  of  the  Pacific  as  they  broke 
upon  the  shore;  other  adventurers  were  building  vessels  and  coasting  along 
the  shores  of  Mexico,  of  California,  and  afterwards  of  Oregon ,  planting  there 
the  standard  of  Spain,  and  claiming  it  in  the  name  of  their  monarch  long 
years  before  the  bays  and  harbors  of  Oregon  sent  back  the  echoes  of  the 
EngUsh  sailor's  "yo,  heave  yo."  When  we  purchased  Florida  from  Spain, 
we  purchased  also  all  the  territory  on  the  Pacific  belonging  to  her  north  of 
the  42d  parallel.  We  obtained  the  Spanish  title,  not  by  conquest,  not  by 
violence,  not  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet;  we  wrested  it  not  from  Spain  un- 
der threats  of  force,  but  we  obtained  it  by  peaceful  negotiation,  and  on  the 
payment  of  a  full  and  adequate  consideration. 


5 


If  Spain  did  not  perfect  her  title  by  full  and  complete  occupation,  as  sha' 
'did  in  moat  of  her  other  colonial  possessions  on  this  continent,  yet  she  al- 
ways insisted  upon  her  rights  to  the  country  as  the  iirst  discoverer,  and  she 
watched  over  the  whole  Pacific  coast  with  a  restless  and  jealous  eye.  Her 
title,  if  not  under  the  law  of  nations  exclusive,  was  far  better  than  that  of 
any  other  nation.  The  country,  if  not  settled  entire,  was  early  occupied  in 
part  by  her  citizens.  The  convention  of  1700,  with  Cngland,  recognised 
her  rights,  and  by  that  convention  the  sovereignty  over  the  territory  was  to 
remain  in  abeyance.  The  discoveries  which  tingland  made  between  1790 
and  1796,  when  the  convention  was  terminated  by  a  w;»r  between  Spain 
and  England,  could  not  enure  to  the  sole  benefit  of  England;  to  thatconven* 
tion  the  United  States  were  not  a  party.  The  discovery  by  Grey  of  the 
mouth  of  the  Columbia,  in  1792;  the  subsequent  exploration  of  the  sources 
of  the  Columbia,  and  the  vast  valley  which  it  drains,  by  Lewis  and  Clark, 
and  the  settlement  by  Mr.  Aator  near  the  mouth  of  the  river,  were  made 
under  no  treaty  or  convention  which  should  give  the  benefit  of  such  disco- 
veries and  explorations  to  an  adverse  party.  They  were  for  the  benefit  of 
the  United  Slates  alone.  If  you  add  to  these  the  Spanish  title,  founded  on 
discovery  and  partial  settlement,  and  which  was  fairly  purchased,  the  claim 
of  the  United  States  to  the  Oregon  territory ,  if  it  can  not  be  considered  ex- 
elusive,  seems  to  me  to  be  far  better  than  that  of  England. 

Still,  I  think  it  caimoi  be  affirmed,  with  certainty,  that  England  has  no 
rights.  In  this  opinion  I  concur  v/ith  the  gentleman  from  Virginia,  (Mr. 
Baylv,)  .vho  has  just  taken  his  seat.  If  our  claim  be  the  best,  it  does 
not  follow  that  England  has  no  rights.  It  doe3  not  follow,  either  in  justice 
or  equity,  that  she  has  no  rights,  though  our  claim  may  be  paramount  to 
hers.  Admitting  that  the  rights  acquired  by  England  from  Spain  in  1790 
had  been  abrogated  by  the  subsequent  war  in  1796,  and  that  the  discoveries 
made  between  the  two  periods  did  not  enure  to  the  benefit  of  England;  ad- 
mitting that  the  treaty  of  1816  revived  only  the  commercial  treaties  relating 
to  the  direct  trade  between  Great  Britain  and  Spain,  and  not  the  trade  with 
the  Spanish  colonies,  which  is  understood  to  be  the  construction  which  the 
English  ministry  recently  put  u]X)n  the  treaty  of  1816,  still  it  does  not  follow 
that  England  has  no  rights.  Such  controversies  are  not  to  be  decided  by 
the  strict  rules  of  law  which  might  govern  in  an  action  of  ejectmer',  '-(etween 
two  individuals,  where  the  title  to  a  tract  of  land  is  involved;  far  ,  her  and 
more  liberal  views  should  be  taken,  and  far  different  rules  must  rt^^ulate  the 
actions  and  decisions  of  powerful  nations. 

Nations,  in  their  intercourse  with  each  other,  must  he.  Just  if  they  are  not 
generous.  If  the  argument  be  sound,  that  we  are  destined,  in  the  ordinary 
course  of  things,  to  occupy  all  of  North  America,  how  long  would  it  be, 
after  we  have  planted  the  American  flag,  and  established  American  institu- 
tions along  the  line  of  the  49th  parallel,  before  the  residue  of  the  territory 
would  be  given  to  us  by  that  same  inevitable  destiny?  When  it  shall  be 
ripe  for  the  harvest,  the  sickle  of  American  institutions  can  gather  it  in.  As 
I  have  said,  the  time  has  come  for  giving  the  notice;  and  it  seems  to  me- 
that  it  will  be  a  measure  of  peace ,  especially  if  accompanied  by  the  sugges- 
tion that  we  are  still  willing  to  negotiate  for  that  boimdary. 

My  friend  from  Pennsylvania  (Mr.  Levin)  has  said,  that  this  is  an  Ame- 
rican question — a  Native  American  question — and  to  some  extent  it  may  be 
ao.     It  may  be  well,  while  we  are  debating  the  question  of  our  destiny — • 


of  the  integrity  of  otir  soil — to  consider  also,  whether  we  ought  not  so  ta 
legislate ,  as  to  render  the  character  and  views  of  our  people  more  homoge- 
neous— to  do  all  that  we  can  to  Americanize  them.  I  confeea  that  I  heard 
with  regret  the  avowal  upon  this  floor,  that  persons  of  foreign  birth  ought 
to  be  preferred  to  those  born  upon  the  soil.  I  cannot  concur  in  such  ii  sen- 
timent. I  value  too  highly  my  American  birthright,  to  barter  it  for  political 
prefcjrment;  I  would  not  sell  it  for  a  mess  of  pottage.  When  the  great 
apostle  to  the  Gentiles  learned  from  the  Roman  centurion,  that  wiih  a  great 
price  he  had  purchased  his  freedom  as  a  Roman  citizen,  the  reply  of  the 
apostle  was,  "  but  I  was  born  free."  He  spoke  of  himself — not  as  a  soldier 
of  the  cross,  not  as  a  freeman  whom  the  truth  had  made  free — but  he  spoke 
of  himself  as  a  free  born  citizen  of  that  great  empire  which  had  spread  itself 
over  so  great  a  part  of  the  then  known  world;  which  had  planted  its  eagle 
banner  alike  upon  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates,  the  Danube,  and  the  Rhine 
— at  the  cataracts  of  the  Nile,  and  along  the  shores  of  the  western  ocean; 
and  in  view  of  this  great  empire,  with  all  her  power  and  temporal  glory,  he 
who  said  he  would  not  boast,  save  in  the  cross  of  his  Redeemer,  yet  gave 
utterance  to  the  expression,  "  but  I  was  free  born." 

We  have  heard,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  the  course  of  this  debate,  much  of  the 
extent  and  power  of  our  own  fair  land,  and  my  own  blood  warms  in  the 
contemplation.  It  is  a  noble  land.  The  waves  of  the  stormy  Atlantic  beat 
on  the  one  side,  and  the  billows  of  the  Pacific  sing  their  lullaby  on  the  other  j 
the  rays  of  the  morning  sun  sparkle  and  play  on  the  chrysial  ice  of  our 
northern  lakes,  and  when  the  same  stm  goes  down,  the  coiton  tree  and  the 
magnolia  cast  their  long  lines  of  shade  over  the  dark  and  turbid  waters  of 
the  Mississippi;  and  over  all  this  land  the  eagle  standard  of  our  Union  floats, 
or  will  float,  when  this  Oregon  question  shall  be  settled.  I  would  that 
throughout  its  length  and  breadth  one  universal  shout  might  go  up—"  but 
I  was  free  born."  I  speak  not  so  much  in  reference  to  existing  institutions^ 
recognised  by  the  constitution  of  the  country;  over  that  institution  which 
shadows  a  part  of  our  land  we  have  no  power,  save  that  of  moral  suasion. 
But  I  would  that  those  who  regulate  the  legislation  of  the  country,  might 
feel  the  importance  of  those  who  exercise  the  elective  franchise — wlio  make 
and  unmake  rulers  and  legislators — being,  if  not  freeborn  ,al  least  by  study  and 
long  experience  after  their  emancipation  from  foreign  despotic  powers,  well 
qualified  for  the  discharge  of  the  high  and  responsible  duties  of  an  American 
citizsn,  that  they  should  be  permanently  identified  with  the  country  and  its 
institutions. 

I  recollect,  many  years  ago,  listening  to  the  recital  of  an  eloquent  Indian 
chief,  who  came  here  to  the  capilol  of  the  nation  to  ask  protection  for  him- 
self and  for  his  people.  I  knew  the  history  of  his  own  and  his  people's 
wrongs.  He  spoke  of  the  efforts  which  he  had  made  to  obtain  rediess, 
though  in  vain;  and  in  his  own  beautiful  and  expressive  language  he  added, 
''I  knocked,  and  knocked,  and  knocked,  at  the  doo<- of  the  President's 
mansion,  and  asked  for  protection,  but  my  voice  was  borne  away  down 
Pennsylvania  avenue  and  /os^." 

Sir,  I  could  not  but  think  of  this  appeal  of  the  Indian  chief,  when  a  few 
weeks  since  the  few  representatives  sent  here  by  the  Native  American  jxiriy, 
asked  of  this  House  the  privilege  of  being  heard,  through  a  select  couunit- 
tee,onthe  subject  wliioii  they  have  so  deeply  at  heart.  Their  appeal  to 
the  magnanimity  of  this  House  was  disregarded,  and  their  voices  were  borne 


I  not  so  to 
e  honioge- 
int  I  heard 
irih  ought 
iioh  u  sen- 
ov  political 
the  great 
iih  a  great 
iply  of  tho 
IS  a  soldier 
ii  he  8poke 
pread  itself 
td  it$>  engle 
the  Rhine 
crn  ocenn; 
I  glory ,  he 
,  yet  gave 

uch  of  the 
ms  in  the 
laniicbeat 
I  the  other; 
ice  of  our 
ee  nnd  tho 
I  wnters  of 
)ion  Hoais, 
.rould  that 
lip—"  but 
isiiturions^ 
on  which 

suasion, 
ry ,  might 

lio  make 
study  and 
vers,  well 
Ainericark 
ry  and  its 

nt  Indian 

for  him- 

peo  pie's 

redress, 

ic  added , 

resident's 

ay  down 


away  and  lost.  I  hope  on  another  occasion  (o  bring  my  views  on  this  sub- 
ject before  the  House,  and  to  show  that  vc  are  no  enemies  to  our  foreign 
population  as  stich,  that  we  would  take  away  none  of  the  rights  that  they 
HOW  enjoy  as  naturalized  citizens;  that  all  legislation  on  the  subject  should 
have  reference  wlely  to  those  who  shall  hereafter  come  to  the  country;  and 
that  then;  is  a  well  founded  belief  that  these  mea^uics  would  tend,  in  the 
end,  to  (h««  |)ermanent  well-being  of  the  immigrant  himsolf.  I  have  spoken, 
in  the  commencement  of  these  remarks,  of  two  dislinguished  foreigners, 
and  I  could  add  a  long  list  of  men  who  liave  shed  honor  on  this  the  land 
of  their  adoption.  No  man  will  more  freely  accord  to  them  the  meed  of 
praise  than  mysolf.  I  would  that  all  our  inmiigrant  population  brought 
with  them,  or  phould  afterwards  accpiire,  such  sterling  principles,  and  such 
knowledge  of  the  laws  and  institutions  of  thecoufiiry  of  whicli  they  become 
citizens. 

Pardon,  sir,  this  long  digression.  On  this  occasion,  and  on  the  great 
<)uestion  before  the  House,  1  belong  to  no  parly  but  that  of  the  country.  I 
rejoice  thai  no  parly  lines  are  drawn,  and  all  feel  themselves  free  to  act  as 
they  may  deem  ihe  best  interests  of  the  country  require.  With  many  others, 
I  believe  that  the  pro|K)sed  notice  will  bring  a  settlement,  and  all  the  at- 
tendant train  of  peace.  Sincerely  do  I  believe  so,  if  the  tone  of  the  notice 
shall  be  conciliatory,  and  such  as  beconies  a  great  people,  conscious  of  their 
power,  and  of  their  position  among  the  leading  nations  of  the  earth.  1  wish 
to  see  all  causes  for  future  ruptures  ended,  that  we  niay  hear  no  more,  if 
possible,  of  wars  and  rumors  of  wars.  But  if  after  we  have  done  all  that 
we  can  to  secure  a  peaceable  termination  of  pending  difficulties,  war  shall 
come,  then  the  nation  will  be  united,  I  trust,  as  one  n)an,  feeling  that  we 
are  right  in  the  approbation  of  our  own  consciences;  right  in  the  intelligent 
judgment  of  mankind;  and  right,  if  war  is  ever  riglit,  in  the  eye  of  him 
who  regulates  the  destinies  of  nations,  and  controls  the  affairs  of  the  indi- 
vidual man. 


en  a  few 
an  ixuty, 
connnit- 
tppeal  to 
ere  borne 


